Investigación especial: Pruebas de que el PRD de la Ciudad de México recibe apoyo político de la Luz del Mundo
A bolder move by LLDM to recuperate ground
that was lost as a result of the 1997-98 national public scandals that accused
Samuel Joaquín of sanctifying the raping of minors happened after the federal
elections of July 2000, when the country’s presidency also went to the PAN.
Intense media coverage of the structural links between sectors of the PRI and
the LLDM organization eventually hurt, to an extent, the public image of the
then-embattled political institute. Some PRI politicians who knew nothing of
those links were deeply embarrassed. Pressure began to build inside the party
to take some healthy distance, at least in public, from the controversial sect
that had been a faithful cash-and-votes factory. That now belonged to a bygone
era: the hegemony of the one-party rule. That pressure, in turn, weighted
heavily on the leadership of LLDM to show the faithful that Samuel
Joaquín—in keeping with his self-proclaimed status of divine messiah and
earthly king—was still an important political player at the national
level.
The strategy to repair Samuel’s political
public image had a two-fold approach. The first tactic was mainly symbolic and
included a very visible and expensive campaign to build
prominent—although quite often more than half-empty—temples in
major cities all over Mexico. At the same time, intense negotiations began with
different political parties to try to reposition Samuel Joaquín as a visible
power-broker on the national scene. The culmination of more than ten years of
intense lobbying and courting of authorities was the creation of a new, small
political party led by Samuel’s trusted member of the elite incondicionales: ex-congressman
Rogelio Zamora Barradas. In a most unusual and controversial move, LLDM’s newly
named political arm, Expresion Ciudadana,[71] became publicly
linked to an internal sector of the PRD,[72] the center-left
political party that has won Mexico City by a landslide in the last three
elections. The event took place in the capital of the country, at the famous
National Auditorium, on June 14, 2004, when ten thousand LLDM faithful gathered
to celebrate the “apostle’s” birthday. Instead of the
traditional row of well-known PRI old timers, the main personalities invited
this time were PRD high officials and governors. However, most of the
dignitaries did not personally attend the celebration, but they did send
representatives. Media coverage was limited, and that helped create the
impression that, indeed, some prominent figures, such as then-governor of
Michoacán Làzaro Càrdenas Batel, had attended. This belief was created mainly
by the publication of an ambiguously worded paid insertion in newspapers such
as Milenio Diario, in which Rogelio Zamora Barradas thanked by name a list
of prominent PRD politicians for their “expression of openness” and stated
“appreciation for all those who had recognized the work of Master Samuel
Joaquín” given that “his labor had excelled in results worthy of admiration.”[73] The deceitful full-page ad ended by reproducing a short, politically charged
public speech that Samuel Joaquín had delivered that day. On this occasion,
however, the contents of his speech were, quite predictably, center-left
leaning. The paid insertion, published on June 21, 2004, deliberately did not
clarify which authorities of the PRD had actually attended. In fact, most did
not. One person who did attended, though, was Joel Ortega, who participated as
the official representative of Mexico City’s Mayor. At the time, Joel Ortega headed
the powerful Secretariat of Public Safety, the main entity in charge of the
police and public safety issues in the capital of Mexico. During the ceremony, Samuel
Joaquín was heralded by the government of Mexico City as an “outstanding
citizen for his service to the community.” At the same time, it was publicized
that a formal alliance had been formed at this political-religious celebration—Samuel
Joaquìn’s birthday commemoration— between Expresión Ciudadana, the revamped
political arm of the sect, and the PRD, hence seemingly linking both entities
in some sort of structural affiliation. This move created some political
upheaval, and some PRD authorities denied that there had ever been such a
formal agreement. Both the public record and data provided by government
sources, though, suggest that a sector of the PRD was infiltrated by people
very closely linked to Samuel Joaquín, in order to either redirect his
theocratic agenda, or at least to diversify his political connections.
According to this information, the two main liaisons between the Mexico City
PRD government and La Luz del Mundo were prominent politician Manuel Camacho
Solìs and the above-mentioned Joel Ortega.
A former Mexico City mayor himself, Manuel
Camacho Solìs has also been, in a sense, a former presidential pre-candidate
who happened to have a falling out with his former party, the PRI, in 1995. He
eventually became an independent contender and established alliances with
diverse democratic organizations, with little success. Interestingly, it was
Camacho Solis who helped to formally incorporate the late Federación
Nacional de Colonos en Provincia into the PRI decades ago. The formal
setting for this union happened to be, in fact, the same National Auditorium.[74]
Before becoming Secretary of
Public Safety, Joel Ortega, on the other hand, had been granted the equivalent
of an assistant mayorship (Delegado)
by the PRD. He was in charge of an important Mexico City district known as Delegación
Gustavo A. Madero from 2000 to 2003.
This jurisdiction has more than one million people and is precisely where one
of LLDM’s main temples is currently located. In spite of serious accusations
that link Rogelio Zamora Barradas to the traffic of immigrants and grave
constitutional violations, Joel Ortega appointed the two-time former PRI
congressman as Territorial Director. Zamora Barradas was also allowed to hold
posts in the Justice Ministry in the same precinct, under the PRD. In a website
updated in March of 2004, Zamora Barradas, one of Samuel Joaquín’s closest
political operators, was postulated as a candidate for Member of Congress by
the PRD.[75] No disclaimers were made. Zamora Barradas, the signer of the above-mentioned
paid newspaper insertion is the visible head of LLDM’s new political party,
which is now linked to the PRD.
At the end of the day, the political
shrewdness and wealth of LLDM’s hierarchy seems to allow its leaders to have
their cake and eat it, too. At the state level in Jalisco, votes continue to
flow en masse to LLDM’s historical ally, the PRI. At the same time,
intense lobbying, PR campaigns, and traditional ways to corrupt public
officials keep the pro-Catholic PAN authorities off the sect’s back, hence
guaranteeing impunity and boosting Samuel Joaquín’s image among his flock as a model
citizen and an untouchable cacique, whichever works best to keep things
quiet inside the sect. At the federal level, LLDM’s political arm has been able
to infiltrate a sector of the PRD, Mexico’s second most important political
party, which has possibilities of winning the next presidential and federal
elections.
As long as Joaquín continues to have all
his political bases covered, the impunity of LLDM’s main leader is seemingly
guaranteed. The sexual abuse of minors is solidly institutionalized. But in the
case of La Luz del Mundo, the variables are hardly restricted to
political power and corruption, as many could think. The intrinsic structure of
the religious group, as is the case with many other sects, has much to do with
its culture of human-rights violations. Secrecy, and a rigid patriarchal system
of belief, coupled with an authoritarian and narcissistic hierarchy in which a
system of checks and balances does not exist, also help to explain how such an
outrageous space for impunity has made it all the way to the twenty-first
century—a space that has in fact widened as time goes by, endangering and
harming the lives of many women and children in the process.
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